Showing posts with label State Intervention. Show all posts
Showing posts with label State Intervention. Show all posts

Saturday, July 21, 2012

A Brief History of Privatization in Croatia

A month or so ago, Anton posted a piece which detailed the economic history of Yugoslavia (you can find that here). This is the second half to the same paper, which I collaborated with him. This portion focuses on Croatia's post-independence transition to capitalism and explores the efforts of privatization undertaken by the its government after the collapse of Yugoslavia. This is a topic which fascinates me, so I may potentially post more research in the future.

I. Post-Independence Recovery and Privatization

After Croatia declared independence in 1991, it would have to begin to deal with the burgeoning economic troubles at hand. The war which broke out as a result of Croatia declaring independence took its toll on the economy, which was in dire straits when Franjo Tuđman was elected president. Tuđman’s presidency would serve as the herald for economic views which now play a large role in the modern Croatian government; privatization and globalization. However, the maladministration of privatization would join a long list of causes of economic problems including damage to infrastructure caused by the war, the refugee population, and disturbance of macroeconomic relationships.
Croatia had to overcome two major Yugoslavian legacies in order to properly de-nationalize the country’s economy. Self-management and social ownership were the foundations of Yugoslavian socialism [Franičević 6]. Although dismantling the socialist state was not a popular opinion in the late 1980s, early legislation arose, outlining privatization measures with the goal of benefitting Croatian workers. These initial premises of privatization legitimized the institution in terms of popular opinion. As far as the workers were concerned, “they were the real ‘owners’ of the firm[s]… the obtaining of widespread support for privatization among the working class was regarded as an essential element in its successful implementation” [Franičević 7]. What most Croatians failed to realize, however, was that President Tuđman’s Croatian Democratic Union was the single-party entity which made the system possible. In order to begin to renovate the economy, the Law on the Transformation of Socially Owned Enterprises was enacted. There were two stages to this approach; the first was the transformation of social ownership into private or state ownership, the second was the complete privatization of said state ownership [Franičević 9].

Several of the procedures of the first stage proved to be relatively successful, by the end of 1996 the public debt had been reduced by over 1.8 billion Deutsche Marks [Franičević 12]. However, major difficulties arose with the privatization process, which drew criticism since the process was nontransparent, power was concentrated in a single ruling party, nepotism was prevalent, and blatant corruption plagued the system. The privatization model was constructed in anticipation of foreign capital. This would have been the ultimate goal of the two-phase process; initially, previously nationalized industry would be sold to the private sector and the state, and if all had gone as planned, international corporations would buy into Croatia’s industries. Unfortunately, the corruption of Tuđman’s government made Croatia’s economy extremely volatile, and not one which foreign investors would so readily invest in. Nevertheless, privatization continued throughout the 1990’s until Tuđman’s death in 1999. Its institution wreaked havoc on the Croatian economy, and it was a testament to the dangerous power of uncontrolled state capitalism. Croatian privatization contrasted similar processes in other European nations at the time. A majority of Croatia’s capital was due to the hotel industry, however, throughout the 1990’s, the tourism industry shrunk as a result of violence in the early part of the decade, and economic decline in the latter half. Another difference was due to Tuđman’s strict nationalist control. Because of Croatia’s strong nationalist sentiments, they began to distance themselves from the Balkan states and became ambitious in wanting to be seen as a “Western State”. Tuđman was able to take advantage of this cultural Westernization and apply it to the economic policies of his administration. Whereas privatization by definition should result in less state control, Tuđman’s presidency virtually resulted in quite the opposite. He relied on the state, rather than the private sector of the economy, in order to globalize the country’s economy; however, it was an exercise in futility due to corruption, scandals, and the buying out of Croatia’s capital and industries.

II. Growth in the New Millennium

In spite of the tragedy and controversy that surrounded Tuđman and the Croatian Democratic Union’s privatization scheme, the economy began to take a turn for the better in 2000. With the Croatian Democratic Union defeated in the 2000 elections, structural reforms under Prime Minister Ivica Račan were finally possible. For the three years he was in power, he continued privatization by opening up the economy to the West, which helped to restart Croatia’s GDP growth. Račan also began programs to improve infrastructure, which was essential in assisting the rejuvenation of tourism. After nearly being destroyed in the 1990’s, the industry has steadily increased since 2000, with the inflow of capital further funding infrastructure. Inflation remained stable as well, with the Croatian Kuna maintaining stability with the Euro. Overall, the expansion of the economy was due to said infrastructure programs, Westernization of the markets and tourism, as well as the growth of smaller private corporations. In the nine years from 1999 to 2008, GDP increased by around 4.25% per year.

Croatia’s growth in GDP in the 2000’s was an excellent sign of improvement for the country’s economy; however it failed to match the growth in Yugoslavia in the 50’s, 60’s, and early 70’s. Although Croatia remains one of the wealthiest of the former Yugoslav republics, the damage caused by the economic collapse of the 1990’s and subsequent economic policies have left impacts on Croatia on both micro and macroeconomic levels. The unemployment rate in 2011 was 17.9%, with a comparable 18% of Croatians living below the poverty line as of 2009. Even during the dusk of Socialist Yugoslavia, the unemployment rate was lower, at 15%. Although life expectancy and literacy rate have risen to 76 and over 99% respectively, provinces like Krajina are particularly devastated by unemployment. In addition, Croatia’s domestic economy is in need of repair, as it relies far too much on imports and its export sector is minimal.

During a meeting with the U.S. Ambassador to Croatia in February of 2010, Minister of Economy Duro Popijac summarized the major issues which the nation faces. First is the privatization of shipyards. During Yugoslav socialism, shipbuilding was one of the largest economic sectors, and the Croatian government is currently having difficulty selling the shipyards. Until they are bought, the government must continue to pay to keep them open, which is something the European Union does not permit. Croatia’s candidacy for the EU affects its economy in a big way, as it is doing almost all that it can to meet the Union’s requirements. Minister Popijac highlighted a three-part economic bailout fund, which would include a subsidized loan scheme, government guarantee fund, and the creation of a private equity fund. A majority of Croatia’s microeconomic problems stem from the ineffectualness of government intervention in the private sector, as well as ongoing corruption. All of these, in turn create macroeconomic issues, as they make Croatia an increasingly unstable investment opportunity.

III. The Current Dilemma & What the Future Holds

The transformation from Yugoslav socialism to modern Croatian capitalism has stretched over half a century. There were a myriad of changes from one extreme to another; the hasty implementation of privatization is perhaps to blame for Croatia’s current economic troubles. This increased Croatia’s interdependence with other European nations after the Yugoslav Civil Wars, rather than fostering its own industrial-based economy. Furthermore, additional privatization has essentially become the only way out of Croatia’s economic dilemma in their eyes, despite it being what caused the economy to become so unstable. The ultimate root of Croatia’s economic problems, however, is cultural. The current policies are not working, yet there is hardly any opposition. Croatia yearns to further westernize themselves and their economy, to the point where their extreme nationalism is beginning to hinder progress and harm them. The nation is taken by the allure of pure capitalism, further fueled by their desire to join the EU, and there is no tolerance or consideration for any other economic viewpoints. Although Croatia’s economy appears to be relatively growing, successful measures need to be taken to address their high foreign debt, weak industrial export sector, crumbling bureaucracy, and large reliance on tourism. Until those issues are addressed in a more open minded way, Croatia will never be free of its economic dependency on stronger powers.

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-Ballinger, Pamela. "Selling Croatia or Selling Out Croatia?" Bowdoin College, 24 Oct. 2003. Web.
-Franičević, Vojmir. "Privatization in Croatia: Legacies and Context". Eastern European Economics, Vol. 37, No. 2 (Mar.-Apr., 1999), pp 5-54
-Government of the Republic of Croatia - Information on Croatian Economy 

Sunday, March 11, 2012

The Future Dilemmas of Keynesian Capitalism

Although I do not believe the current economic paradigm will fully collapse on its own, since that would be naïve, there are a few problems the modern market, and even the state, cannot properly solve and Keynesians should consider:

The issue of ecology and environmentalism; during the 2009 Copenhagen Summit this was especially evident, where the state and its corporate interests failed to make any law-binding decisions. This problem has been going on for a while, where the consensus has always been “We urge people to pollute less!” without enacting any legislation to enforce that. And the inevitable collapse and depletion of the oil and the energy market, predicted to happen around 2040, will prove to be destructive to globalization.

The issue of transhumanism and the rapid advancement of biogenetics is an issue the markets will fail to control and the state will probably succumb to, which would ultimately create a physical and intellectual divide between the wealthy and the poor, aside from their socio-economic status, because only the rich will have access to such enhancements.

The issue of intangible capital; the market has always functioned on physical capital that could be exchanged in the real world, but now with the rise of digital assets (which is now worth more than real world assets) all that is changing and it seems that the current laws on intellectual property and copyright are proving to be useless. The problem comes from that regulating this kind of capital and the digital market in general is inherently intrusive and stripping of liberty. The pressure of corporations on the state to enact further laws to limit internet freedom will surely come as a result, representing a new form of censorship and Orwellian infringement of basic rights (more info here).

The issue of new forms of apartheid; Zizek discussed this in a few of his interviews, in which there is a new class of people that are just excluded from the system completely. This is becoming increasingly prevalent in South America, Africa, Asia, and even in the United States, where there are artificial barriers being set up between the slums and the rest of the nation. There is little state control in these areas, and they are completely disregarded in the political sphere and there is little hope of incorporating them back into the system since they are so disproportionately poor. A good example of these “little Berlin Walls,” that Zizek calls them, are the slums of the Romani people (the Gypsies) in Europe, specifically Eastern Europe. Just look up modern antiziganism and you will find the oppressive hatred and exclusion the Gypsies face in modern day Europe, and their rights are completely ignored in the political sphere and even by the transnational bodies like the UN, which is apparent in their reaction to Roma refugees in the aftermath of the Kosovo war. 

And finally, the issue of state interventionism is a problem in itself. I think most Keynesians would agree that if that state did not intervene the market would abolish itself; the allocative capacity of the market is just not efficient enough, especially in a world where there are more overweight people (1.5 billion) than malnourished individuals (925 million), where food is being misallocated to areas where it is not needed because of unethical profits. Industries are attracted to areas with high levels of GDP. Since the ‘Golden Age of Capitalism’ after WW2, there has been substantial growth but with this economic expansion also comes increased state involvement. This destructively centralizes democratic power rendering it useless, and increases state power to bounds that could endanger democracy in itself. Authoritarian capitalism, or ‘capitalism with Asian values,’ as is present in Singapore and China, is at this point in time working more efficiently than liberal capitalism which is something we should all be concerned with. It used to be that argument that free markets will ultimately lead to democracy eventually, but now the authoritarian way is proving to be much more efficient in many respects and that liberal argument for capitalism may soon be disproved.